Libya's Push to Restore Its Monarchy Signals a Strategic Moment — and Britain Should Pay Attention

Libya's political landscape shifted significantly on 15 November as nearly one thousand Libyans gathered in Tripoli for the National Meeting for Unity and Peace, a major civic event that drew attendees from all regions, age groups and social backgrounds. The gathering rekindled a national debate once thought dormant: the restoration of Libya's constitutional monarchy through the reactivation of the 1951 Independence Constitution under the leadership of Crown Prince Mohammed El-Senussi, the sole rightful heir to the Libyan throne.

Libya's democratic 1951 Independence Constitution holds a unique place not only in Libyan history, but in the wider Middle East and North Africa. It was the first democratic constitution of its kind in the region — a modern, representative framework designed to distribute power fairly, protect individual rights and unify a country emerging from colonial rule. Drafted under the guidance of Dutch jurist Adriaan Pelt, who served as the United Nations Commissioner for Libya, the constitution became the foundation upon which Libya's first and only unified modern state was built.

Delegates at the Tripoli meeting, which included the attendance of a number of Members of Parliament, a fact that was publicly acknowledged by the High Council of State, argued that this document remains the only legitimate and nationally recognised framework capable of stabilising the country after more than a decade of institutional fragmentation. Transitional political arrangements since 2011 have repeatedly collapsed under competing interests and shifting alliances, leaving Libya with divided institutions and no trusted central authority. The monarchy, under the leadership of Libyan Crown Prince Mohammed El-Senussi, by contrast, is viewed by its supporters as the one institution capable of generating national unity precisely because it stands above partisan politics. It offers continuity rather than competition, identity rather than division, and a lineage that predates the fractures of the past half-century.

For the United Kingdom, this resurgence of constitutional thinking in Libya carries strategic urgency. Britain played an important role in Libya's original independence process and retains significant interests tied to the country's stability. Irregular migration through the central Mediterranean has long had downstream effects on UK and European border policy, and a coherent Libyan state would be far better positioned to manage its coastline and disrupt trafficking networks. Likewise, British energy interests stand to benefit from a more predictable investment climate in Libya, a country with some of Africa's largest oil reserves and the potential to play a long-term role in regional gas supplies.

A stable, unified Libya would also strengthen counterterrorism partnerships and broader security coordination across North Africa — areas where the UK has maintained steady engagement. The absence of a legitimate central authority in Libya has repeatedly undermined regional efforts to contain instability, creating ripple effects that extend far beyond North Africa's borders.

The Tripoli gathering demonstrates that constitutional restoration is evolving into a serious political movement with growing national traction. For Britain, the implications are clear: London should actively support any credible Libyan-led process that restores institutional legitimacy, strengthens national unity and places Libya back on a constitutional footing recognised across its regions. The 1951 framework offers precisely such a foundation — one that has already proven its ability to unite the country and now stands as a viable roadmap for its recovery.

As the organisers of the National Meeting for Unity and Peace prepare for further consultations across Libya, the UK has a strategic interest in engaging confidently and constructively. A Libya rebuilt on constitutional legitimacy would not only stabilise a critical neighbour to Europe but would also advance Britain's long-term diplomatic, security and economic objectives in the Mediterranean.