Russia's presidential vote took place a month after opposition leader Alexei Navalny died in an Arctic prison
AFP News

Following his death in an isolated Siberian prison last month, Navalny's name made headlines across the globe. Despite his death, the years-long story is far from over and triggered a diplomatic and media morass between Russia and the Western governments.

Navalny's work and investigations to expose corruption in Russia poked holes in the Kremlin's narratives and attempts to deceive the Russian people. This prompted an attempt on Navalny's life in 2020 using a nerve agent, an operation that mimicked Sergi and Yulia Skripal in Salisbury in 2018. Following Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Navalny became a voice that added to the Kremlin's domestic woes.

Expectedly, Navalny's death prompted angry retorts from Western governments, mainly Germany and the United States, with NATO calling out Putin as the perpetrator in Navalny's death. The Kremlin and its media machines were quick to dismiss the allegations and respond to insinuate Western ulterior motives behind their involvement in the case.

Utilizing its media machine, which is growing in popularity amongst Arab audiences, Russian media echoed government messaging with pizzazz and a twist of sensationalism. RT Arabic ran headlines saying "the Western statements around Navalny's death are frantic and unacceptable" and "Western hasty conclusions around Navalny's death exposes what is inside their leader's hearts."

Under these headlines, RT Arabic questioned the Western rhetoric and timing, emphasizing that the results of Russian forensic investigations had not yet concluded. This comes as no surprise, of course. What was surprising to see is that Russian messaging is finding its way to domestic audiences in the MENA region through local media outlets.

Taking Egypt as an example, whether it was Al Masry al Yoom, Al Shorooq, Al Ahram (the country's leading news provider), or other Egyptian media outlets, it became clear that the Russian narrative is dominating a heavily restricted information sphere in the country.

Egyptian media ran headlines and reports verbatim from RT Arabic, echoing the Kremlin's narratives suggesting conspiracy and Western malign intentions seeking accountability. This clearly indicates that Russian and Egyptian media are not just collaborating closely, but also colluding to spread messaging to a wider set of Arab audiences through local media outlets, aided by growing popularity.

Eureporter, an independent media outlet, reported that "Russian media outlets like RT Arabic and Sputnik are extremely popular, with RT Arabic becoming one of the most trafficked news websites in the country. The same is true for Egypt's domestic media as many of the country's leading agencies have signed binding contracts to amplify Russian broadcasting and programs across both nations."

Media reported that prior to the Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov's visit to meet with President Sisi last year, the Egyptian General Intelligence Service, the largest owner of media outlets and production in the country, instructed local media to promote Russia's narrative regarding the conflict in Ukraine and to refer to Russian news outlets as primary sources of information and media reports.

While it is no secret that Egypt is no beacon of media freedom or freedom of expression, the state's behavior and vested interest in furthering Russian narratives are interesting. A state media machine dominating public discourse dismisses and suppresses alternative voices and attempts to promote a position that distances the country from the West and its values. Needless to say, this supports the country's autocratic rule.

Whether it is Navalny's death, the war on Ukraine, BRICS, or developments in a flaming region, the Russian narrative seems to have secured an extension of its voice that is spreading through to domestic audiences in a case that could be replicated across the continent where Russia has been enjoying growing influence.