Donald Trump
Princeton historian Sean Wilentz says Trump models his self-dealing on old Brooklyn machine politics, scaled to the US government The White House

Princeton historian Sean Wilentz argued in Rolling Stone that Donald Trump's loyalty networks have made his presidency the most corrupt in US history, steering government power towards his own interests.

Wilentz, a professor of American history at Princeton, wrote that Trump's presidency, 'especially in his second term, is by far the most corrupt ever'. What critics call his transactional deal-making is better understood as relational, a web of favours built over years rather than one-off bribes.

A New Way To Read Presidential Corruption

Wilentz traces the model to the Brooklyn Democratic machine Trump encountered as a New York developer, run by party boss Meade Esposito and sharpened by his mentor, the lawyer Roy Cohn. His father, Fred Trump, courted mayors and governors because he knew what a single government decision could be worth. Trump carried that schooling into the White House, Wilentz argued, turning machine-style politics into a global operation.

The difference now is scale. A president commands regulation, contracts, tariffs, pardons, and foreign policy, powers no local boss could reach. Wilentz argues that this reach creates more opportunities for loyalty to influence decisions.

Court Rulings That Handed Trump the Levers

Two decisions gave the system room to grow. In July 2024, the Supreme Court ruled in Trump v United States that a president holds broad immunity for official acts, a protection Wilentz says complicates accountability for self-dealing in office.

The Court also ruled 6 to 3 in Trump v Slaughter that the president may fire Federal Trade Commission (FTC) members without cause, overturning a 91-year-old protection. Wilentz argues that greater presidential control could influence decisions on mergers, advertising, and major companies.

The Watchdog Data Behind the Claim

Independent trackers give the argument numbers. Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) recorded more than 3,700 conflicts of interest across Trump's first term, including spending at Trump properties and taxpayer payments to his businesses. The Campaign Legal Center keeps its own list of what it calls pay-to-play benefits during the second term. The White House denies that Trump's business dealings affect official decisions.

The pattern shows in public events. In May 2025, Trump hosted about 220 of the largest holders of his $TRUMP cryptocurrency at his Virginia golf club, with entry set by a public leaderboard.

Justin Sun, who said he was the coin's top holder, separately invested $75 million (£56 million) in a Trump family crypto venture. Companies with federal contracts are among the donors to a White House ballroom estimated to cost $400 million (£299 million). Individual donors have not disclosed all their contributions.

Why This Reaches Your Wallet

The stakes are not abstract. Wilentz argues that if a president rewards friends or punishes rivals through the agencies that police prices, mergers, and market fairness, consumers and smaller firms could bear the cost.

Wilentz warns that this corruption resists the usual fixes because it rarely leaves a clean paper trail of quid pro quo. The favours flow through relationships, not contracts, which makes them harder to prosecute and easier to deny.

For anyone asking where a president's money comes from, and who really shapes the economy, the loyalty network is the map.